Monday, December 17, 2007
HAPPY HOLIDAYS
Wednesday, December 12, 2007
DRUGGED
Friday, December 7, 2007
MITT'S MUDDLE
MITT'S MUDDLE
Mitt Romney went to Texas yesterday to allay voters' concerns about his religion. John F. Kennedy went to Texas forty-seven years ago to do the same thing. Kennedy succeeded. Romney failed.
Here's why.
JFK's speech was a clarion call for separation between church and state. He did not equivocate or temporize, and he annoyed many in the Catholic hierarchy by not doing so. He said that he believed "in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute." This absolute separation meant that "no church or church school" would be "granted any public funds or political preference." It meant that "no prelate" or "minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote." It provided a standard against which the consistency of his own votes "against an ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools" could be measured, a standard which -- in his public life -- Kennedy clearly met.
Now listen to Romney yesterday at Texas A&M. No absolutism there. He said "I will take care to separate the affairs of government from any religion, but I will not separate us . . . from God." On his conduct in public office, he proclaimed that he "tried to do the right as best" he knew it, and while offering that he had never "confuse[d] the particular teachings of [his]church with the obligations of [his] office," he also asserted that "in recent years, the notion of the separation of church and state has been taken by some well beyond its original meaning. They seek to remove from the public domain any acknowledgment of God. Religion is seen as merely a private affair with no place in public life. It's as if they are intent on establishing a new religion in America -- the religion of secularism. They are wrong." He proudly proclaimed his belief that "Jesus Christ is the Son of God and the Savior of mankind." Finally, invoking our constitutional beginnings, he claimed, "The founders proscribed the establishment of a state religion, but they did not countenance the elimination of religion from the public square."
It is a speech JFK never would have given. In fact, it is a speech neither Lincoln nor the founders would have given either. It is also a bad speech. Not because it will not do what it was designed to do for his Presidential campaign, which is to allay the irrational fears evangelicals have of Mormons. And not because it also will not allay the fears of the dreaded "secularists," about whose fears Romney cares not a whit. Instead, it is a bad speech because it is false as a matter of history and dangerous as a matter of policy, matters of which Kennedy was clearly cognizant and Romney is not.
The history of church - state separation has been bastardized of late, and that is no accident. The evangelicals are intent on re-writing it to agree with their own views. On this re-writing, the founders become religious devotees when in fact they were nearly all deists who rejected trinitarian doctrine, came of age (as Garry Wills points out in his recent book, Head and Heart) during a fairly secular period in American history when religion was descendant rather than ascendant (a reality which changed shortly after their passing and which had emerged only shortly after their births), and actually succeeded is implementing disestablishment, a by no means certain outcome in a world where, at the founding, the states had established churches which received tax funds. It also took awhile. Massachusetts, for example, home to Mitt and JFK, did not disestablish the Congregational Church until the 1830s.
In truth, the founders were what Romney and today's religious right would call "secularists." So was Lincoln. They were all perfectly comfortable referring to God, and even contemplating the mystery of God (which Lincoln's Second Inaugural does in spades), but they never substituted an appeal to God's judgment (which is more or less unknowable, as a practical matter) for their own. In that, they followed the advice of the Jesuits who taught me in high school: "Pray as if everything depends on God, but act as if everything depends on you." So, as a practical matter, for Jefferson and Lincoln, God was "eliminated from" the "public square," or at least from that part of the public square which created laws and politics.
Romney and the religious right will truck with none of this. It is apostasy. JFK expressly said that religion -- "what kind of church he believed in" -- should be important "only to [him]," and refused to discuss the subject. Romney -- perhaps intending to out-paster Paster Huckabee -- proclaimed (and remember, this was a campaign speech by a guy running for President) Jesus as the Son of God and Savior of Mankind. JFK's point was that no one should care about this. Romney's is that everyone must. Romney also repeated the shopworn bromides the religious right now trots out every time it discusses the subject. So, the former Governor of Massachuseets claims that we are a nation "Under God", even though the anti-communists of the '50s -- not the founders -- were the authors of these words.
The "public square" is also a funny place in Mitt's world. A large chunk of the public appears not to be part of it (God must need a lot of room). Romney asserted that "Americans tire of those who would jettison their beliefs." And who, precisely, would that be? The dreaded secularists? Certainly. Pro-choice divorced Catholics like me? Who vote for Democrats? Gone. Perhaps not "removed" from the public square like the God we ostensibly refuse to invite to the party, but decidedly on the sidelines, like the boring kids in high school, just so . . . tiresome. Something of a blown dry hipster himself, Romney is a perfect incarnation of the populist religio-media age in which we now live. God is cool, with it, a ratings buster (for God's sake). Check out those Sunday morning televangelist broadcasts from "churches" larger than concert halls and louder than the Super Bowl at halftime, and then go ahead and try to talk yourself into the notion that more people are watching "Meet the Press." If you really think Tim is getting more action than the preachers, you must be among those belief-jettisoners with whom the hipsters have just grown tired.
Kennedy attacked the then sacred cows of 1960 Catholic politics. Aid to parochial schools? He was against it. (This was not a popular position in middle and working class Boston, Chicago or New York, where thousands of kids like me were going to Catholic schools. ) An ambassador to and diplomatic status for the Vatican? He was against that too, to the consternation of many of my co-religionists.
Mitt said he'd never take orders from the Mormon bishops, but he didn't name one policy favored by the religious right that he would oppose. How about President Bush's faith based inititatives, which funnel taxpayer money to religious groups engaged in ostensibly non-religious projects (like drug counseling), which are nothing but subsidies for religious organizations (the money they would have spent on counseling, now provided by the fed, can be re-directed to proselytizing)? Kennedy would never have been for this, or for the open electioneering which now goes on as religious leaders tell their followers how to vote. Romney was silent on both counts. And he has already flip-flopped on the mother of all quasi-religious issues, abortion. Formerly pro-choice, Romney is now avowedly pro-life. Kennedy's policies were opposed in many instances to his religious interests. Romney seems intent on demonstrating that his are compelled by those interests.
In Texas forty seven years ago, on the subject of religion, Kennedy was principled, unyielding, and right. In Texas yesterday, on the same subject, Romney showed a lot of profile but not much courage. And he was wrong.
Tuesday, December 4, 2007
PERSIAN PASSION
So, they do not have a nuclear weapons program after all.
What to make of the just released National Intelligence Estimate ("NIE" for the acronym-meisters) -- which states, with "high confidence", that Iran four years ago abandoned its plans to build a nuclear bomb and, with "moderate confidence," that the Iranian program remains "suspended" -- is the buzz in Washington (and elsewhere) today.
Here's my take.
I have "no confidence" that the Bush administration cares much about the new NIE. Upon its release, the Bushies engaged in their usual double talk and denial. The National Security Adviser said the NIE proves that the pressure of economic sanctions worked, which is odd, since the Iranian program ended in 2003, or before the sanctions were really ratcheted up. The Secretary of Defense said, in effect, so what, they (Iran) had one (a nuke weapons program) before and can start one again, especially given the program they now have in place for the development of nuclear energy. He neglected to note that the administration approves of the Iranian nuclear energy program -- bombs bother them but nuclear waste is just fine.
Not to be outdone, however, the President eclipsed his aides with the type of assessment of which only he is capable. He said "the NIE provides an opportunity for us to rally the international community . . . to pressure the Iranian regime to suspend its program"; he followed that up with the statement that the NIE means "nothing's changed."
Sometimes I think this guy is not living on the same planet as the rest of us. Unfortunately, however, he is the President and we already have a bomb (which he can launch), so we have to take him seriously, despite the ever present need this creates to engage in hand to hand combat with logic, the English language and empirical reality.
But enough about us. Really . . . what's up with this guy? And how dangerous is he? To begin, assuming the NIE is right, whatever it means we have to do, it cannot mean that we have to pressure Iran to suspend its nuclear weapons program. Because this, apparently, is what they already have done. If I were the Iranians, however, I'd be worried. Bush has a lot of trouble accepting "Yes " for an answer. No nukes! You'd think we won and Bush would graciously accept the victory. But "nothing's changed," according to W. This is crazy talk -- illogical, un-empirical, ill advised, and just plain stupid.
But it's also Bush's m.o. In the run up to the war in Iraq, as the weapons inspectors found no wmd and as the Iraquis issued their required report to the UN stating (quite accurately) that they then had no wmd, the President did not care. He said, in effect, that the Iraquis were lying (they weren't) and that he did not care what Hans Blix found (or did not find).
And he's doing it again. The NIE means "nothing's changed" because for him, it hasn't. We still must do today what we were doing yesterday, or pressure the Iranians to suspend their nuclear weapons program, even though there is no such program to suspend. Question: how precisely could Iran demonstrate future compliance with this latest demand? Answer: it can't, any more than Iraq could demonstrate compliance with the UN wmd mandates in late 2002 and early 2003. At least not to this guy.
Joe Biden recently said that if Bush bombs or goes to war against Iran, he (Biden) would move for impeachment. If I were Biden, I'd get the resolution ready. Because, "nothing's changed."
Wednesday, November 28, 2007
BACK TO THE FUTURE
The French have a saying, plus ca change, plus c'est la meme chose -- the more things change, the more they remain the same. Presidential politics has that character these days, with a vengeance.
Bill Clinton said yesterday that he opposed the Iraq war "from the beginning." I guess that depends on what the meaning of the word "beginning" is. The New York Times said the statement "was more absolute than his comments before the invasion in March 2003," and President Clinton's aides characterized his Delphic utterances from that period -- namely, that he would have given the weapons inspectors more time -- as the sort of modified limited hang out an ex-President owes a sitting President. It turns out, of course, that his opposition was very modified and very limited, because at the same time, the former President also spoke approvingly of the Senate's 2002 resolution authorizing the use of military force in Iraq. This is the resolution Senator Clinton voted for, which the Republicans will wrap her in come the Fall of 2008 if she is the Democratic nominee.
The scary part of Bill Clinton is that he can offer these kind of John Kerry-ish "I was for it before I was against it" encomiums without sounding nuts, which unfortunately (for the country) is how Kerry sounded when he tried it. Some people hate this about Bill Clinton (Sen. Bob Kerrey once said that Clinton was "very good" at lying, which wasn't a compliment). Others think it is a sign of genius (F. Scott Fitzgerald once said that "The test of first-rate intelligence is the ability to hold two opposed ideas in mind at the same time and still retain the ability to function"). Bill Clinton is, shall we say, very functional.
Functionality aside, however, this sort of stuff stokes the fires of Clinton fatigue that are, at this point, only a few Santa Ana winds from blowing out of control. The problem is that, by January 2001, the country was tired of Clinton, his great economy, general state of peace and hands on governing style to the contrary notwithstanding. We have now totally forgotten that sense of ennui because, today, we are really tired of Bush, the only guy capable of reminding us how much we miss Clinton. But we miss the economy and our place in the world during Clinton's eight years. We miss his competence. We do not miss his tortured efforts to conjugate the verb "is". And unfortunately, this "from the beginning" remark on Iraq reminds us more of the latter than the former.
I am writing this post before the Republican You Tube debate tonight and will venture a hardly bold prediction. They will give Hillary Clinton a lot of "face" time in their debate. They have been doing this in all their debates so this hardly counts as an insight. But the point is that they are doing this not merely because they oppose her, which is not news, but rather (and mostly) because they all really want to run against her, which is news. Politicians stuck in the volatile world that is the GOP Presidential primary campaign do not typically hype the opposition's potential standard bearer to the degree Hillary has been and will be mentioned. Usually, they are trying to increase their own numbers and nail down their own nomination before taking on the other side. Not this time, however. Despite the fact that none of them can really be called the front runner at this point (pace the national polls which boost, slightly, the former Mayor), Rudy and Mitt and Huckabee and McCain and Thompson collectively can't get enough of Senator Clinton. The question is: Why?
The answer is: Clinton fatigue. They want her back. They want them back. The disquisitions on present tense, the health care debacle, the '94 rout, Monica, the pardons, the whole thing, which for them carries with it the potential for (1) reminding Americans how tired we were by the time we got to January 20, 2001, and (2) forgetting how angry we are today. By any reasonable standard, the period 1992 - 2000 was a reasonably good one for the average American (who, after twenty years of stasis, finally saw his wages rise at least a bit) and a great one for the better off. But not the way the GOP tells it now (in fact, Rudy recently gave a speech warning of a return to the 1990s, a proposition he treated -- without explanation -- as the Q.E.D. on why Hillary should not be President), and not the way they positioned it then either (Monica, the pardons, and on and on). Similarly, by any reasonable standard, we are collectively in much worse shape today (the Bush administration long ago abandoned trickle down -- in favor of gush up --as an economic policy, and on the war, the Bushies have given the super majority which opposes it nothing but a three fingered salute). But that's not the way they tell that part of the story either.
Now, here, they have a big problem. Because, on the current state of the union, they really have no story to tell, at least not one that can put lipstick on the pig they have created. So they have decided not to bother. Instead, here's their answer to today's sad state of affairs -- the Clintons. You got it. They can't defend the economy, or the war, or the Court, at least not to the 70% who are not part of their base. So they do not plan to. Instead, they plan to remind us of -- and win based on -- . . . Clinton fatigue.
Here's my counter to their strategy. Let's borrow from F. Scott Fitzgerald. Let's get a little "functional." We were tired of Bill and Hil on January 20, 2001. We were also a lot better off with him (or them) in charge. I recently wrote a politically despondent friend in Atlanta that any Democrat with a chance at the nomination will be better than any Republican similarly situated. I love Obama. He'd be a good President, much better than anything the other side now has on offer. So would Edwards, or Biden or Dodd or Richardson or Kucinich (who my son loves).
And so would Hillary. Even if what's his name is still conjugating verbs.
Wednesday, November 21, 2007
HAPPY THANKSGIVING
The Dow is down. . .a lot. We are still in Iraq notwithstanding an election a year ago that made it pretty clear 70% of us do not want to be. Lawyers are being arrested in Pakistan while Taliban are being set free. The home run king has been indicted. Global warming proceeds apace as the US bides its (and the world's) time, which we now know is rapidly running out. Broadway is black, as effectively are Jon Stewart, Stephen Colbert, SNL and a whole host of other shows (OK, this very last reality -- namely, the other shows -- may not be so bad). And the only Republican making any sense is the libertarian, Ron Paul.
So what precisely are we thankful for this Thanksgiving?
Those of spiritual bent, myself included, thank God for the bounty, fortune, and sheer good luck which many of us enjoy. To that should be added thanks for our friends, family and good health. But let's be honest here. After the usual suspects, the candidate list for thanks this year is a little thin. Absent the annual turkey whose life he just saved, very few outside his family and the GOP base are thanking W for his performance this year; I bet Cheney has even lost some members of his family. And Rudy never had a lot of his family to begin with, so he doesn't make the cut. The Dems are not getting thanks because they have not done what we elected them to do. Their only excuse -- the GOP minority threat of filibuster -- shows you cannot even be thankful for our system of government. After all, 60 votes are needed in the Senate to do anything, making majority rule somewhat beside the point (and therefore perhaps not worthy of the thanks we give it. . . or the Founding Fathers). As a lawyer, I would always like to be able to at least thank the Supreme Court. But they entered a semi-permanent realm of no thank you after Bush v. Gore. Perhaps one day they will be entitled to forgiveness. . .but never thanks.
I thank my wife. . .for marrying me and for being a great stepmother. But that's not unique in any way to 2007, and I thanked her last year as well. There's of course no harm in repeating the thanks. But the holiday is an annual one, so I think good form at least requires some additions to the list that constitute a basis for thanks au courant as it were. For the same reason, thanking my parents and sister is fine but doesn't really save 2007. Ditto, my children, although my soon not to be teenage son is back among the living (after a very short, but typical, adolescence). So I thank him (and Colorado College, which seems to have been more responsible for this certainly than me) for that. And I thank his friend Max, who is one of the inspirations for my blogging (though others may not thank Max, for the same reason).
I thank my dog, who is cute and always friendly (albeit blind). But not my cat, who is often mean and wakes me up at 6 am every day in ways that I do not find amusing. I thank my mother-in-law (obviously for my wife, but also for refusing to allow me to do the cleaning and for the cookies she sneaks into the house). I even thank my erstwhile right wing (he says he is now an "Independent") radio talk show host cousin, who has me on his show from time to time, to the consternation of the right wing.
OK, I admit it. I do have reasons to celebrate this holiday. And can now eat turkey, mashed potatoes and apple pie in abundance, having given due thanks.
But c'mon people. Let's improve the list for 2008. My cat is not going to get any better.
Friday, November 2, 2007
PSYCH-OPS
The Repubican Party in my lifetime has routinely touted itself as tougher and more competent than its Democratic competitor in matters of foreign policy. From the (false) claim that President Reagan won the Cold War via his military build-up and unwillingness to compromise on Star Wars (false because the build-up began in his predecessor's administration and was only marginally increased in his own, because Star Wars was ignored by the Soviets once Gorbachev was convinced that it was chimerical, and because the Cold War ended only after Reagan reversed his years of neo-con rhetoric to sign back on to the bipartisan policy of arms reduction that untimately allowed Gorbachev to sell internal reform to his own generals), to the beating Dukakis took over that goofy Alfred E Newman picture of him in the tank, the drumbeat of criticism that Clinton was weak on terrorism (when in fact he did more and came closer to beating our adversaries than the current administration), and the manic refrain of the current set of GOP candidates that they can be counted on to stay in Iraq and/or bomb the Persians into a no-nuke Iran, the party of Lincoln in its decidedly post-Lincoln phase has never ceased to remind voters of its claimed toughness.
Unfortunately, however, in the war on terror, this testosterone politics is not only shallow, it is positively dangerous. At the outset, certain facts cannot be disputed. They are these. Neither Iran (with an economy roughly the size of Connecticut), Al Qaeda (a remnant in Afghanistan and a marketing arm with some IEDs in Iraq), Syria (with an economy smaller than Iran's), Hamas and Hezbollah (political operations with guns) or the leftover Afghani Taliban (now holed up in the mountainous border region between Afghanistan and Pakistan) can beat the United States militarily, economically, culturally or politically. In fact, the war on terror against these various "enemies" is not really lose-able, at least not in the sense that our enemies have any realistic chance of winning as a consequence of their own initiative. They simply do not have the military or financial wherewithal to mount an effective campaign, nor can they obtain effective power (i.e., durable control) in any particular region of the world. The ease with which the Afghani Taliban was routed demonstrated as much, as does the inability of groups like Hamas or Hezbollah to actually govern the areas where their writ (legal or de facto) runs. Thus, wherever they rule or even pretend to effective power, the hold exercised by these groups is unsteady at best and often transitory, roughly the equivalent of a gang's ability to "control" an extended urban neighborhood in America. So, in fact, they can't beat us. (Repeat that to yourself every time you hear someone mention the war on terror as the consuming generational struggle of our time; it'll make going to work, taking out the garbage, and sundry other mundanae tasks seem much less dangerous than they might otherwise appear.)
The Administration accepts this "they can't beat us" reality, but responds by claiming "we can beat ourselves". And the Administration is right. But not for the reasons it thinks. And therein hangs the tale.
The terrorists know they cannot beat us militarily, but they do believe they can win a psychiological war. And in that effort, they have a not so secret weapon. That weapon is fear, and at this point its best delivery system is Rudy Guiliani. In his campaign for the Presidency, as Joe Biden has aptly noted, Guiliani's sentences contain three things -- a noun, a verb, and the word "9/11". Under his watch, we will (1) be in Iraq until whenever, (2) go to war with and/or inititate a non-stop bombing campaign against Iran, (3) forever troll the domestic and international communications networks without warrants, (4) continue to illegally hold detainees at Guantanamo, and (5) torture those we think have information while denying we do so with double-talk. Indeed, though a lawyer by training and well publicized professional experience, Guiliani (along with his cohorts, with the notable, courageous, and useful exception of Sen. McCain, who happens to be the only Presidential candidate in either party who actually has been tortured) has baldly pretended that he cannot categorically preclude waterboarding because he does not know the specific circumstances in which it has been or will be used or the precise details of the actual technique. As the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, prosecutor Guiliani routinely laughed at defendants who made similar claims about the nature of racketeering in an effort to avoid prosecution. As a candidate, it is now the height of mendacity that he recurs to such falsehoods in his non-stop effort to sound tough. (Memo to Rudy: waterboarding has been illegal for decades, much like loansharking, murder, theft and a host of other crimes that you regularly prosecuted during your stints at the Justice Department and in New York.)
Only the terrorists are cheering (and the 30% who still think W is a good President, but for a different reason). The terrorists know that a President Guiliani will replace FDR's famous nostrum -- "we have nothing to fear but fear itself" -- with the reality that "our only policy is fear itself". And they also know that the consequences will be precisely those Franklin Roosevelt warned against -- an irrational hatred that saps our energy for any productive enterprise, a series of mindless but expensive and largely ineffective escalations against third rate nuisances, the alienation of our friends, and a pyschological xenophobia that walls off the larger world as it locates recurrent threats of 9/11 in anyone who disagrees.
FDR and Harry Truman taught us that it is entirely possbile to fight an enemy without becoming the enemy or sacrificing the freedoms that make America what it is. FDR did it in World War II and Truman gave us the game plan of containment that led to the successful conclusion of the Cold War (and the demise of Communism) decades later. All this, moreoever, was done without repealing the bill of rights; in fact, it was done while the nation began to redeem its promise of equal rights to minorities and women, and while it educated a new class of ex-GIs who themselves gave a fuller meaning to Jefferson's "pursuit of happiness" as they created a large, vital and vibrant middle class. Guiliani is a child of that progress. Shame on him for not respecting the values that made it possible, even (indeed especially) in the face of the the then global threats that made it by no means certain.
The terrorists do not have to launch a nuke or deploy a chemical or biological weapon to win their war. They just have to root for Guiliani. And my bet is that this is what they are doing.