Friday, June 6, 2025

ILLEGITIMUM NON CARBORUNDUM

For most of my life, I have had a love-hate relationship with Harvard.

In 1974, I applied for admission to Harvard College and was rejected.

In 1978, I applied for admission to Harvard Law School and, after being put on a waiting list, was rejected there as well. 

It was a simple case of unrequited love . . .

Times two.

In the spring of that year, months before Harvard's rejection, my application to Yale Law School was accepted. 

Truth be told, Yale was always my first choice. Its classes were smaller and, in my opinion at least, it was more focused on the contribution its trained lawyers could later make to public service and public policy.

But still . . .

I was that rare Yale Law student Harvard Law had turned down.

I could flatter myself knowing Yale's smaller entering class made admission there more difficult than at its Cambridge competitor. And when I shared the good news of Yale's "yes" with a priest who had taught me in high school and had become one of my best friends, I heartily endorsed his less than religious  response . . .

Which was . . .

 "F--k Harvard". 

In truth, of course, none of this mattered.  

Harvard, long accustomed to the jealousy expressed by those it turned down, went happily about its business of being America's premier institution of higher learning. Because the list of those of us rejected exceeded by orders of magnitude the fortunate few accepted, that exercise called for an enormous amount of fortitude. Especially on the football field, where those rooting against the Crimson inevitably included many more than those who were simply for the other team. In that respect, Harvard resembled the New York Yankees. 

They were in a league of their own . . .

Despised by the multitudes not on their team. 

Harvard had an answer for all this. The answer was in the first three words of its fight song. And, being Harvard, the answer was in Latin.

Illegitimum Non Carborundum. 

Or . . . 

Don't let the bastards get you down.

Over the years, most of us haters, myself included, have made peace with our adolescent disappointment. Admiration has replaced jealousy.  We tip our hats to Harvard's renowned excellence, its Nobel laureates, its cutting-edge science, the medical miracles it regularly creates with that science, the advanced technologies and new businesses it births, the worldwide leaders it produces. When we see Harvard on a resume, we want that excellence to be part of our own enterprises, public or private. 

If our kids are there . . .

We brag about it.

We regularly travel to (some of us even live in) Boston. The city itself has become a technological hub thanks in large part to its institutions of higher learning, none more central to that status than Harvard. We don't avoid the Coop or the Yard, and among Democrats, we don't keep score. Clinton's — neither Bill’s nor Hillary’s— Yale Law degree does not trump Obama's from Harvard. Or vice versa.  We love them all. We revel in the fact that all were smart enough to get their respective degree.  We like that they are smart. Even very smart.  Even smarter than many of us. We reject the anti-elitism some have for the Ivy League, an anti-elitism many of its GOP graduates hypocritically enflame just to get votes.

Some adolescents, however, have not moved on. 

One of them is now the President of the United States.

Most of the indefensible illegality, trauma, tragedy and stupidity of Trump’s second term was unfortunately predictable. He either told us explicitly what he’d do, as in the case of his mindless tariffs (against allies and enemies alike) and disgusting assaults on immigrants and birthright citizenship, or pretty clearly hinted at what he’d do, as in the case of his J6 pardons and Munich-like sacrifice of Ukraine. Even his Cabinet of suck-ups, loyalty oaths, shakedowns, self-dealing and contempt for the rule of law, aided and abetted by  the Supreme Court's asinine criminal immunity decision and a supine GOP, were more than foreseeable, each in its own way the natural result of a pathological dishonesty and insecure narcissism that demands fealty and praise above all else, ignores reality and makes accountability and personal responsibility impossible.

But . . . 

Could any of us have foreseen the utter idiocy of his now months-long effort to destroy one of American pluralism’s crown jewels  — its universities in general and Harvard in particular?

As with most things Trump, the current attack on Harvard has its genesis in a lie.  And like most of Trump's lies, this one rests upon a patina of fact, distorted into an exaggerated and demonstrably false reality, which is then endlessly repeated, idiotically defended and never amended, any and all evidence to the contrary notwithstanding.

The lie is that Harvard is a bastion of anti-semitism.

In a May 23 "guest essay" in The New York Times, Harvard Professor (and one of its foremost critics) Dr. Steven Pinker observed that "alleged antisemitism" is "the most painful indictment of Harvard" to date. 

He explained that this anti-semitism is "not the old money WASP snobbery of Oliver Barrett III", but rather "a spillover of anti-Zionist zealotry." In the wake of the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, he noted, it took the form of "anti-Israeli protests that . . . disrupted classes, ceremonies and everyday campus life", "gratuitously injected pro-Palestinian activism into courses or university programming", and "many Jewish students . . . being ostracized or demonized by their peers." 

Dr. Pinker conceded this  was a "genuine" problem" that had to be "considered with a modicum of discernment." It was, however, by no means evidence that Harvard itself had become " a bastion of rampant anti-Jew hatred". The false and -- given the obvious facts on the ground -- stupid statement by 34 students holding Israel "entirely responsible" for Hamas's massacre had itself been met with an open letter of rebuttal signed by 400 Harvard faculty members, and last September a new group, Harvard Faculty for Israel, was formed specifically designed to support Israeli students on campus.  450 Harvard faculty immediately joined.

Pinker himself is Jewish and noted, "for what it's worth", that in his two decades at Harvard, he had "experienced no anti-semitism . . . nor [had] other prominent Jewish faculty members." Though "a few" of Harvard's more than "400 initiatives, centers and programs, which are distinct from its academic departments", had been captured by "activists lecturers", the university itself "offers more than 60 courses with Jewish themes" and on its own decided to exercise "greater professorial and decanal oversight over those distinct offerings", long before Trump's current assault

Similarly, on issues like "viewpoint diversity", he explained, Harvard is "far from a 'radical left institution'". The "majority of faculty . . . locate themselves to the right of 'very liberal', and they include dozens of prominent conservatives." And for all the focus on so-called "woke" courses on subjects like "heteronormativity, intersectionality, systemic racism and late-stage capitalism", those offerings "make-up at most 3% of the 5,000 courses in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences . . . and 6% of its larger General Education Courses".  

All of which was also true long before Trump decided to threaten and destroy the entire school.

Threaten and destroy, however, is exactly what he has done.

Only January 29, Trump issued an executive order highlighting discrimination against Jewish students at American universities and colleges in the wake of the October 7, 2023 attack. A week later, DOJ created a multi-agency task force to combat anti-semitism and three weeks after that (on February 29) it sent Harvard's president a letter claiming it was "aware of allegations that" Harvard "may have failed to protect Jewish students and faculty members from unlawful discrimination." On March 10, in yet another letter, the federal Department of Education's (DOE) Office of Civil Rights informed the university that it was being investigated for violation of the Civil Rights Act "relating to anti-semitic harassment and discrimination". 

The March 10 letter expressly linked DOE's investigation to Harvard's receipt of "enormous public investments funded by US taxpayers" and on March 31, the General Services Administration (GSA) told Harvard it was reviewing all federal contracts and grants, including those with  "greater than $8.7 billion of multi-year grant commitments", and "reserves the right to terminate for convenience any contracts it has with [Harvard] at any time during the period of performance." Two days later, it sent Harvard an email and an attached letter from lawyers at DOE and the Department of Health and Human Service (DHS) setting forth "the immediate next steps . . . necessary for Harvard University's continued financial relationship with the United States government."  In this letter, and apparently for the first time, it added demands that, in addition to preventing anti-semitism and punishing those who had discriminated against Jews, Harvard "cease all [admission and hiring] preferences based on race, color , or national origin," and move to "shutter" DEI programs and improve "viewpoint diversity". 

On April 11, GSA, along with DOE and DHS's attorneys, sent Harvard yet another letter.

This letter was a bombshell.

It literally demanded that Harvard agree to turn over the formation and content of its curriculum; its admission practices (including admission practices regarding international students) ; the hiring, firing and supervision of its faculty; and the enforcement of its student disciplinary processes to the federal government. The turnover was to take the form of certified commitments by the university to generic reforms supervised by monitors acceptable to the government and then subject to federal audits to insure compliance.  

For example, on so-called "viewpoint diversity" it required that Harvard "commission an external party, which shall satisfy the federal government as to its competence and good faith, to audit the student body, faculty, staff and leadership for viewpoint diversity, such that each department, field, or teaching unit must be individually viewpoint diverse. This audit shall begin no later than the summer of 2025 and shall proceed on a department-by-department, field-by-field, or teaching-unit-by-teaching-unit basis as appropriate." Any "department or field found to lack viewpoint diversity must be reformed by hiring a critical mass of new faculty . . . who will provide viewpoint diversity; every teaching unit found to lack viewpoint diversity must be reformed by admitting a critical mass of students who will provide viewpoint diversity."  

Among others, the letter also required that Harvard "reform its recruitment, screening, and admissions of international students to prevent admitting students hostile to American values and institutions inscribed in the U.S. Constitution and Declaration of Independence" and that it "report to federal authorities . . . any foreign students, including those on visas and with green cards, who commit a conduct violation." 

On April 14, Harvard rejected the government's demands. 

In a letter doing so, it noted that the government had "disregard[ed]" the policy and programmatic changes Harvard had implemented "over the past 15 months" to "address bias", "promote ideological diversity and civil discourse", "combat hate" and "impose meaningful discipline for those who violate university policies". Instead, it explained, the government's demands "contra[vene] the First Amendment, invade university freedoms long recognized by the Supreme Court" and "circumvent Harvard's statutory rights by requiring unsupported and disruptive remedies for alleged harms that the government has not proven through mandatory processes established by Congress and required by law."  

"No less objectionable," it continued, " is the condition  . . . that Harvard accede to these terms or risk the loss of billions of dollars in federal funding critical to vital research and innovation that has saved and improved lives and allowed Harvard to play a central role in making our country's scientific, medical and other research communities the standard-bearers for the world."

It concluded: "The university will not surrender its independence or relinquish is constitutional rights. Neither Harvard nor any other private university can allow itself to be overtaken by the federal government."

Since the exchange of these letters, the Trump Administration has followed through on its threats to freeze, cut or end federal funding for Harvard and otherwise cripple the institution's financial foundation. 

On April 14, mere hours after Harvard rejected its April 11 demands, Trump froze $2.2 billion in multi-year grants to Harvard and $60 million in multi-year contracts. 

On April 15, Trump floated the idea of Harvard losing its tax-exempt status and shortly thereafter the IRS began planning to do so. 

On April 16, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) threatened to revoke Harvard's certification to participate in the Student and Exchange Visa Program (SEVP). 

On April 21, Harvard sued the Trump administration, claiming Trump's funding threats violate the First Amendment and are also "arbitrary and capricious". Two days later, it  asked the Court to fast track its challenge, explaining that the freeze threatened critical research and "chilled Harvard's exercise of its First Amendment rights." Five days after that, the Court set July 21 as the date for oral argument.

On May 2, Trump repeated his threat to revoke Harvard's tax-exempt status.

On May 5, the administration announced it was cutting off all new federal research grants to Harvard.

On May 13, the government's Task Force to Combat Anti-Semitism froze an additional $450 million.

On May 15, the Department of Energy issued a notice terminating $89 million in funding from its Office of Science and Advanced Research Projects Agency-Energy.

On May 22, DHS made good on its April 16 threat and in fact revoked Harvard's certification to participate in the Student and Exchange Visa Program (SEVP). This effectively knee-capped Harvard's ability to admit foreign students, the vast majority of whom pay the full cost of their education and thus help subsidize grants and aid to domestic students.  27% of Harvard's entire student body are foreign nationals.  The majority of them are in the university's graduate programs. 40% of Harvard's Medical School students, for example, are foreigners.  

On May 23, Harvard sued to stop DHS from revoking the SEVP certification. Within four hours of the suit being filed, the court issued a temporary restraining order (TRO) doing so.

On May 27, two senior Trump officials claimed GSA was about to cancel another $100 million in contracts to Harvard.

On June 2, Harvard filed a motion for summary judgment in the funding case. In its motion papers, it provided evidence that cuts to grants from the Defense Department were made on orders from the Secretary of Defense over official objections that Harvard was the "top performing team" and the cuts posed "grave and immediate harm to national security."

On June 4, Trump issued a proclamation suspending international visas for new students at Harvard.

On June 5, Harvard sued to block that proclamation and later that day the federal court in Boston issued a temporary restraining order doing so.

In his "guest essay" deriding what he labelled as Trump's "Harvard Derangement Syndrome", Dr. Pinker explained that "Contrary to a widespread misunderstanding, a federal grant is not alms to the university, nor may the executive branch dangle it to force grantees to  do whatever it wants. It is a fee for a service -- namely, a research project that the government decides (after fierce competitive review) would benefit the country. The grant pays for the people and equipment needed to carry out the research, which would  not be done otherwise."

The impact of Trump's assault, therefore, cannot be gainsaid.  

46% of  Harvard's budget for its School of Public Health comes from federal funding for research and federal reimbursements. According to the school's Dean, that "funding has enabled breakthrough research on deadly diseases from cancer to Alzheimer's to stroke to HIV" and its "faculty's research into environmental pollutants, occupational hazards, and the relationship between diet and health have shaped policies and programs that protect the health of every American -- and so many others around the world." 

The cuts also killed research at the Sinclair Labs at Harvard Medical School. That lab studies aging and treatment for Alzheimer's, multiple sclerosis, cancer, infertility and immune disorders. Its founder, David Sinclair, explained that "The loss of funding not only halts ongoing experiments that cannot simply be restarted, but also jeopardizes the contributions of international scholars who are integral to the lab's operation and the wealth of the US."

"For all its foibles," as Dr. Pinker explained, "Harvard (together with other universities) has made the world a better place, significantly so. Fifty-two faculty members have won Nobel prizes, and more than 5,800 patents are held by Harvard. Its researchers invented baking powder, the first organ transplant, the programmable computer, the defibrillator, the syphilis test and oral rehydration . . . They developed the theory of nuclear stability that has saved the world from Armageddon . . . Ongoing research . . .  includes methane-tracking satellites, robotic catheters, next-generation batteries and wearable robotics for stroke victims."

"Federal grants," he continued, "are supporting research in metastasis, tumor suppression, radiation and chemotherapy in children, multi-drug resistant infections, pandemic prevention, dementia, anesthesia, toxin reduction in firefighting and the military, the physiological effects of spaceflight and battlefield wounded care."

Other than write this piece, protest and oppose Trump's idiocy, there is little I can do.

But the little I can do includes this:

Each year I send modest donations to my high school, college and law school.

This year I will send all that money to Harvard.

As Dr. Pinker puts it: 

"To cripple the institutions that acquire and transmit knowledge is a tragic blunder and a crime against future generations."

Today, Harvard is the front-line in the fight against that crime. 

So I stand with it.

And you should too.

Illegitimum Non Carborundum. 

Saturday, May 17, 2025

BY THE NUMBERS

20 -- Number of Trump-branded real estate projects to be developed in foreign countries during his current presidential term.

$300 million -- According to the Wall Street Journal, the Revenues generated from Trump family meme coins, a percentage of which go to the  coins' creator.

19 out of 25 total  -- The number of foreign exchange purchases of Trump meme coins.

$550 million --  According to the Wall Street Journal, the amount of token sales since October by World Liberty Financial, a separate Trump family crypto venture.

$25 million -- Amount purchased from World Liberty Financial by DWF Labs, a UAE crypto firm whose managing partner told The New York Times "Our visibility in the U.S. has increased because of this deal" and "We would like to have direct dialogue with the policymakers."

220 --  The number of top holders of Trump meme coins who next week will be hosted at his Virginia golf club for a gala dinner.

25 -- The number of those top holders who will get a separate VIP Reception and Trump tour of the White House.

$400 million -- The value of the jet Trump wants to accept as a gift from Qatar to be used as a temporary Air Force One and given to the Trump presidential library after his term ends.

$1 billion -- The cost to US taxpayers to refurbish the Qatari "gift" jet for presidential use.

$3.5 billion -- UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia's commitment to the private-equity fund run by Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law.

1,9 and 8 -- The Article, Section and Clause of the Constitution that says "No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office or Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince or foreign State."

$1 billion -- The amount of free legal services to be provided by nine big  law firms to Trump backed cases or causes in exchange for not having their security clearances pulled or their access to federal buildings and contracts denied.

10, 20, 145, 84 and 30 -- The various tariff percentages announced, suggested, pulled, delayed or (for some period of time) existing against China since February.

0 -- The number of actual trade deals signed with China.

17.8 --  After recent cuts, the effective US tariff rate on foreign goods as of May 16, 2025, the highest effective US tariff rate since 1934.

$2,800 -- The annual cost to the average  American household of those effective tariff rates.

7.3 -- The annual expected rate of inflation given Trump's tariffs

5.9 -- The percentage drop in homes sales in March, the biggest monthly drop since 2022.

32.4 -- The percentage decline in surveyed consumer sentiment, the steepest year-to-year decline since the 1990 recession.

1,024 -- The number of measles cases reported this year as of May 15, 2025.

31 -- The number of jurisdictions reporting measles cases this year as of May 15, 2025.

285 -- The number of measles cases reported in all of 2024.

2000 -- The year measles was eliminated from the United States given effective vaccines.

2 -- The number of States now banning fluoridation in public water supplies.

10.3 million -- The number of people projected to lose Medicaid coverage under the proposed GOP/Trump budget.

Thursday, May 8, 2025

 LEO XIV

The Holy Spirit has spoken.

The most important American in the world is not the President.

It is . . .

The Pope.

Tuesday, May 6, 2025

YESTERDAY

In 1992, I ran for Congress.

For the better part of that year, I travelled the highways and by-ways of what was then New York's 19th Congressional District.

It covered the northern half of Westchester County and then ran north through Putnam, four towns in Orange, and large parts of Dutchess. 

It was the Hudson Valley seat. 

Or at least so much of that valley as ran from its southern end half way to Albany.

At the time, the district was represented by a Republican whose pedigree went back to the nation's founding.  

That Republican was Hamilton Fish IV. 

He himself had held the seat since first winning it in 1968. 

His namesake father had been a Congressman in the Hudson Valley from 1920 to 1945. That Fish -- the third of the same-named direct descendants -- was famous for having led a company of black soldiers in World War I but later became infamous as an enemy of Franklin Roosevelt and a defeated isolationist in 1944.  

His namesake great grandfather had been a Representative, Senator and Governor of New York and the Secretary of State in the Grant and early Hayes Administration.  Had Nobel Prizes existed then, he might have won one for negotiating the arbitration agreement with Great Britain that resolved dispute arising out of the Civil War. 

Finally, and to start it all, there was his great great grandfather, Nicholas. He had been second in command to Alexander Hamilton at the Battle of Yorktown, for whom he named his son, the later Representative , Senator, Governor and cabinet Secretary, and the first of what would ultimately be five direct Hamilton Fish descendants.

To say I was running against history would be an understatement.

But I did not see it that way.

And neither, I think, did Congressman Fish.

Ours was a spirited campaign. 

He was running in support of the legacy and policies of President Reagan and the first President Bush. I questioned that legacy and opposed those policies. He was Right to Life. I was Pro--Choice. He supported NAFTA, the emerging but not yet final North American Free Trade Agreement. I opposed it. I was for pay or play, the Democratic Party's latest attempt at national health insurance; he wasn't. I wanted to build more infrastructure and create an industrial policy that turbocharged new technologies and, I hoped, new industries; he already had with electrification of the Metro North railroad into northern Westchester. In the first of many cycles where Congressional membership for life was wearing thin with the public, I teased him for having been elected when I was twelve; he levelled the charge by citing the experience that came with his long service.

Which included his bipartisan work (and vote) to impeach a president . . . 

When I was sixteen.

When the campaign was over, I had won more votes and a higher percentage than any Democrat who had ever run against him.

But he had won.

By a lot.

The night he won, I sent a congratulatory letter and also phoned him with good wishes. 

He thanked me for the call . . . 

And invited me to his election night party.  

We, however, were having our own. 

Bill Clinton had been elected president ending twelve years of GOP rule in the White House and that,  combined my own respectable vote total against two centuries of history, was more than sufficient cause for celebration in our own right.  

And, as it turned out, that showing had also gotten the attention of the Congressman's staffers.

When the partying was over on election night, a friend and I ducked into a bar for a nightcap.  In the back, a retinue of Fish campaign and office staffers were drinking and began heckling me to join them. I told my friend I'd buy them a pitcher of beer and say hello. When we did, his legislative director came over and told me she "really liked her boss" but "hoped" I'd win one day. "You'd be better," she said, "than 99% of them." Later, she confessed to having been a little concerned that afternoon when the McDonald's check out lady in her boss's Dutchess stronghold told her she was voting for me.

In the winter of 1995, two and a half years after the '92 campaign, I had lunch with a by then former Congressman Fish. 

His former legislative director, the same woman who had come over on election night, invited me.

The three of us talked about politics, the district, the future and the past.  Congressman Fish himself had retired in 1994 and his son (also a Hamilton) had run unsuccessfully as a Democrat that year to replace him. The father did not think the son should run again. "He'd lose," said the man who had won thirteen times.

It was clear to me he missed Congress.  

He was working as a lawyer for a large firm but the thing he seemed to most enjoy about that job was meeting his old friends on The Hill.

As I drove him back to his DC home that afternoon, I asked a final question:

Had he been criticized by other Republicans for voting as a member of the House Judiciary Committee to impeach President Nixon in 1974? 

"Only," he said, "by my father."

I doubt this kind of story will ever be told about today's Republican and Democratic opponents. 

Trump is a hater and has made hating a prerequisite in GOP candidates and MAGA fellow-travelers. His first and often only response to criticism by anyone or from any source is insult. His lying is pathological, his ignorance often astounding, and his assault on the rule of law potentially fatal. 

He has no friends on the other side of the aisle.

And doesn't really respect anyone who does.

Today, what passes for government is a blizzard of executive orders -- many if not most of them illegal, ill-advised or irrelevant -- because a narrow GOP Congress will not restrain an out-of-control President and dares not work with the other side to actually make law.

In his time, Congressman Fish was known for his ability to work across the aisle, especially on civil rights, and was always a gentleman. In 1992, without giving quarter, we fought but respected each other.  In 1995 we talked over lunch for a couple of hours. 

In 1996, Congressmen Fish died. He is buried with all the other Hamilton Fishes in a small Episcopal Church graveyard in Garrison NY. After the graveside service , his wife gave me a hug.

Four years later, I went back to that graveside to ask that former legislative director to marry me.

We had met because of him.

And fallen in love . . .

Despite our politics.

Which is another thing not likely to happen today.

For us, politics is a contest, not a cage-fight. Working for the boss she liked never made it impossible for her to love the Democrat she married.  And for me . . .

Well . . . 

1992 turned out to be a victory after all.

Monday, April 14, 2025

READING LINCOLN'S LYCEUM ADDRESS TODAY

On January 27, 1838, Abraham Lincoln was a twenty-eight year old lawyer and member of the Illinois House of Representatives.  That night, he spoke before the Young Men's Lyceum in the state capital of Springfield. 

Lincoln titled his speech "The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions."  

He began optimistically, explaining that "In the great journal of things happening under the sun," his America was in great shape. It stood, he said, "on the fairest portion of the earth . . . under . . . a system of political institutions conducing more essentially to the ends of civil and religious liberty than any of which the history of former times tells us." 

He admitted that he and his fellow citizens had not produced these "fundamental blessings". 

"We toiled not," he said, "in the acquirement or establishment of them." 

Rather, he continued, they were a "legacy . . . bequeathed . . . by a once hardy . . . and patriotic, but now lamented and departed race of ancestors."

The passing of those ancestors worried him.

For two reasons.

One based on the passions of the ambitious.

The other based on the passions of the people.

As a student of history, Lincoln recognized that the half-century survival of "our political institutions"  would, for many, create a presumption they must continue.  "Have we not preserved them for more than fifty years," they would ask, "And why may we not for  fifty times as long?" But Lincoln was also a student of human nature and a thinker -- like Madison before him -- with an acute understanding of human psychology. 

So, he thought . . .

"That our government should have been maintained in the original form from its establishment until now is not much to be wondered at. It had many props to support it through that period, which are now decayed and crumbled away."

The first was the Revolution itself.

Which drove the ambitious to fulfill its aims and make it a success.

"Through that period," he explained,  "it was felt by all to be an undecided experiment". As a consequence, he continued, "all that sought celebrity and fame, and distinction, expected to find them in the success of that experiment. Their all was staked upon it."

"Their ambition aspired to display before an admiring world a practical demonstration of the truth of the proposition which had hitherto been considered at best no better than problematical; namely, the capability of people to govern themselves."

"If they succeeded, they were to be immortalized."

They did.

And they were.

"But," he warned, "the game is caught".  

The Revolution's "field of glory" had been "harvested . . . [T]he crop  . . . already appropriated."

And he knew the ambitious among them, himself included, would not stand still

"[N]ew reapers will arise," he explained, "and they, too, will seek a field."

"And when they do, they will as naturally seek the gratification of their ruling passion, as others have done before them."

"The question then is, can that gratification be found in supporting and maintaining an edifice that has been erected by others?"

 "Most certainly," he thought,  "it cannot."

As Lincoln looked at his fellow political travelers, he noticed "Many great and good men . . . whose ambition would aspire to nothing beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or presidential chair".

But he also noticed an underside.  

Those who belonged  "to the family of the lion or the tribe of the eagle."

"[T]hink you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Caesar, or a Napoleon?" he asked

And then answered in one word:

"Never!"

"Towering genius," he concluded, "disdains a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to story upon the monuments to fame erected to the memory of others. It denies that it is glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to tread in the footsteps of any predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts and burns for distinction; and if possible, it will have it, whether at the expense of emancipating slaves or enslaving freemen."

And so . . . 

In the second half of the American republic's first century . . .

This was Lincoln's first fear:

The destructive passions of the ambitious man who . . . 

With "nothing left to be done in the way of building up . . .

Would set boldly to the task of pulling down."

His second fear was the passion of the people themselves.

Because they too were no longer moored to the Revolution.

As Lincoln put it to the Lyceum:

"Another reason which once was, but . . .  is now no more, has done much in maintaining our institutions thus far." This was "the powerful influence which the . . . the revolution had upon the passions of the people as distinguished from their judgment."

"By this influence," he explained, "the jealousy, envy, and avarice incident to our nature . . . were, for a time . . .  smothered and rendered inactive, while the deep-rooted principles of hate, and the powerful motive of revenge, instead of being turned against each other, were directed exclusively against the British nation. And thus, from the force of circumstances, the basest principles of our nature were either made to lie dormant or to become the active agents in the advancement of the noblest cause -- that of establishing and maintaining civil and religious liberty."

"This state of feeling," he realized, had "faded with the circumstances that produced it."

"At the close of the struggle, nearly every adult male had been a participator in some of the scenes. The consequence was that of those scenes, in the form of a husband, a father, a son or brother, a living history was to be found in every family . . . But those histories are gone . . . They were the pillars of the temple of liberty; and now that they have crumbed away, that temple must fall, unless we, their descendants, supply their places with other pillars, hewn from the solid quarry of sober reason."

"Passion has helped us," Lincoln concluded, "but can do so no more."

"It will in the future be our enemy."

In the years that followed, Lincoln's fears proved prescient.  The passionately ambitious sought to extend the south's slavocracy to the west, preserving it forever in the form of additional slave states that would make it impossible for the nation as a whole to ever end slavery constitutionally through an amendment, and the Supreme Court in 1858 strengthened their hand by making citizenship solely a function of state law and by turning slaves into property even in places where they could not be slaves. Shortly thereafter, and unwilling to run the risk that Lincoln's presidency would thwart their ambitions, the southern plantation aristocracy embraced and excited the racist passions of its poor whites to fight and die for those aristocrats in the Civil War.

In neither case did law or reason prevail.

And today we seem to be on the same path.

Among the many emerging disasters in these nascent days of the second Trump administration, the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia is the worst.  

On March 15, 2025, the Trump administration's ICE agents illegally seized Garcia and sent him to a terrorist prison in El Salvador.  At the time, he was here legally, a federal immigration judge having held that he could not be sent to El Salvador because he might be tortured there if he was. After his seizure, which the administration immediately conceded was erroneous, a federal court ordered the government to "facilitate and effectuate" his return to the United States by "11:59 pm on April 7". On the morning of April 7, the Supreme Court stayed that order, but on April 10 it affirmed it. Since then, Trump has refused to honor it. 

On Friday in Court, when the judge asked what the government had done to return Garcia to the United States, the DOJ attorney said he had no knowledge . On Saturday, Garcia's lawyers asked the Court to compel the administration to "ensure [Garcia's] safe passage to the aircraft that will return him to the United States" and suggested the Court order the government's lawyers to show cause why they should not be held in contempt.  On Saturday, in a statement that would have made the Soviet politburo proud, the administration said Garcia was "alive and secure" in the El Salvadoran prison to which he had been sent and was "detained pursuant to the sovereign, domestic authority of El Salvador". On Sunday in a filing, DOJ argued "The Court should . . . reject [Garcia's] request for further intrusive supervision of the Executive's facilitation process beyond the daily status reports already ordered," to which in any case Trump's lawyers also objected.

So . . .

Here is where we are:

Trump is claiming he can seize anyone for good reason, no reason or even a mistaken reason; send them to a foreign prison without any due process whatsoever; and then assert (i) the courts cannot tell him otherwise without interfering with his conduct of foreign policy and (ii) even if they could, the prisoner is now subject to a "sovereign, domestic authority" over which neither they nor Trump have any control.

This follows his extortion of big law firms forced to pay tribute to remain in business; his attack on academic freedom as he arbitrarily withholds federal grants from Ivy League and other elite universities he dislikes; his illegal invocation of the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 against individuals from a nation with which we are not at war; his incoherent and chaotic on-again, off-again tariff policy against allies and enemies alike that has roiled markets, imperiled America's status as a safe haven, gutted 401k's and made business planning impossible; the investigation at his urging of Christopher Krebs because Krebs told the truth in 2020 that Trump had actually lost the presidential election that year; his summary firing by DOGE of thousands of federal employees; an incipient measles epidemic his HHS secretary cannot contain and whose advice has actually made worse; the almost complete abandonment of Ukraine; and his continued devotion to Vladimir Putin.

In his Lyceum Address, Lincoln asked:

"At what point shall we expect the approach of danger?"

"Shall we expect some transatlantic military giant to step the ocean and crush us at a blow?"

 "Never," he responded.

"All the armies of Europe, Asia, and Africa combined, with all the treasures of the earth (our own excepted) in their military chest, with a Bonaparte for a commander, could not by force take a drink from the Ohio or make a track on the Blue Ridge in a trial of a thousand years."  

The question therefore remained:

"At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected?"

He then looked in the mirror.

And told the truth.

"If it ever reaches us," Lincoln said, "it must spring up amongst us.  It cannot come from abroad.  If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and its finisher."

"As a nation of freemen we must live through all time or die by suicide."

In case you're wondering . . .

We're there.

Friday, April 4, 2025

BY THE NUMBERS

Dow Close on January 20, 2021 -- 30.930.52.

Dow Close on January 20, 2025 -- 43,487.83.

Dow Close on April 4, 2025 -- 38,314.84.

Wednesday, April 2, 2025

COREY BOOKER

He came.

He spoke.

He conquered.